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It would be absurd to claim that no borrowing has escaped me, but I hope that in the second, third, and fourth chapters of this book, and in the second appendix, the vast majority of Rojas's Petrarchan borrowings are presented in a form which makes possible some conclusions about La Celestina. The detailed presentation of parallel passages and the assembling of statistical evidence is not likely to make for easy reading, but it seems important in this kind of study to present the evidence in a form which can be checked, to establish absolutely clear criteria for the recognition of borrowings and their exact source, and to admit too few rather than too many borrowings.
This is not, therefore, a work of literary criticism, nor does its form allow me to indulge in large metaphysical generalizations about La Celestina -but such a restriction is perhaps not too much of a disadvantage. A century and a quarter elapsed between the death of Petrarch and the publication of La Celestina. During this period a wide range of Petrarch's works became available in manuscript in Spain, and a number of Spanish authors drew on them or referred to them. Some understanding of their diffusion and influence at that time is necessary if we are to appreciate the use made of them by Rojas, though it will for practical purposes be better to confine the discussion to the Latin works.
Petrarch acquired during his lifetime a reputation as the greatest Italian poet and scholar of his day, and that reputation has persisted, though with changes of emphasis, up to the present. His fame was not confined to his own country, and the very form of his name is a measure of his status in England: like the greatest of the Latin classical writers, and like very few others, he was so well known that his name was anglicized. He rapidly became an auctor , being accepted into that canon of authoritative writers who formed the basis of grammatical instruction throughout the Middle Ages, and who were in addition regarded as reliable store-houses of universal wisdom and moral philosophy; it was above all as a moral philosopher that Petrarch was valued by late medieval Europe.
Most of the Latin works are extant, though the loss of the humanistic comedy Philologia has been keenly regretted.
In verse Petrarch wrote Africa , an epic on the Punic War; Bucolicum Carmen , a series of twelve allegorical, and often obscure, eclogues; and some Epistolae metricae which show the influence of Horace. With these may be grouped the seven Psalmi poenitentiales , which are in rhythmic prose. Among the prose works three are didactic treatises written round a central theme: De Remediis utriusque Fortunae, De Vita solitaria , and De Ocio religiosorum.
De Rebus memorandis and De Viris illustribus consist chiefly of collections of historical anecdotes, though the pretext for the former work is a discussion of the virtue of Prudence. The Secretum is a record of Petrarch's spiritual crisis, taking the form of a dialogue between the author and St. There are three controversial pamphlets, Invectiva contra Medicum, Invectiva contra Gallum , and De sui ipsius et multorum ignorantia.
Fulfilling the same kind of purpose as these is one of the minor collections of letters, Epistolae sine Titulo. The other collections are De Rebus familiaribus the chief both in size and quality , Epistolae Rerum senilium , and Epistolae variae. Of the minor works which remain, perhaps the most important is the Itinerarium , a travel-book.
The extent and variety of Petrarch's works makes possible a rough classification. Any attempt to divide his personality into a medieval man and a man of the Renaissance, ascribing to each the authorship of a number of the works, would clearly be absurd, for any such rigid classification would be nullified by variations of tone and approach within a work, and by new use of old material.
Nevertheless, the general impression left by a reading of De Remediis , De Rebus memorandis , or the Trionfi differs considerably from that left by a reading of the Secretum , De Rebus familiaribus , or the Canzoniere. During Petrarch's lifetime his letters and conversation exerted a strong influence, though the full force of this was restricted to a comparatively small number of humanists.
The process was much the same in the rest of Europe as in Italy, though naturally beginning later. The relative popularity of the different works in the last part of the fifteenth century may be gauged from the number of editions printed. Admittedly, this does not help us very much for the century after Petrarch's death, but it seems unlikely that a work which enjoyed substantial popularity during that period would not have found favour with at least one early printer.
With the exception of a few Paris and Lyons editions, the Latin works were always printed in Italy or within the boundaries of the Holy Roman Empire; often, in the latter case, for distribution throughout Europe. Collections of the Latin works not necessarily complete were printed in , , and There is one incunabulum of De Rebus familiaribus , and one of De Rebus memorandis together with Epistola ad Posteros , a letter often found separately , while De Viris illustribus was printed once in Italian and part of it once in Latin.
It is no accident that the four works represented by more than one edition could all be easily assimilated by the medieval reader. While it is no part of my plan to define the medieval mind such definitions have already filled many books , it is perhaps as well to note here some of the features which I regard, in this context, as typically medieval. These are: a heavy reliance on sententiae and exempla ; concern with the content of an author to the virtual exclusion of his style; determination to draw a moral lesson even from works which do not seek to give one; the assimilation of classical authors to a contemporary atmosphere -in other words, lack of perspective; pleasure in the display of a list of names; and in general an authoritarian habit of mind, reflected partly in unquestioning acceptance of what an auctor says, and partly in the development of an argument by a string of sententiae rather than by a chain of logic.
I recognize that I am here on dangerous ground, for thanks to Haskins we know that there were renaissances before the Renaissance, and thanks to Curtius we know that eighteenth-century writers were often medieval. But it is not necessary for the reader to agree that all the features mentioned are distinctively medieval, as long as he knows the meaning which I attach to the word hereafter.
Catalonia, indeed, shows the effects of contact with Italian humanism in the fourteenth century, and there is considerable justice in the claim of a recent historian of Catalan literature that the province was half a century ahead of both Castile and France in this respect.
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The names of Italians who were in one way or another connected with the Aragonese kings is an indication of how close this contact could be: among the more prominent were Leonardo Bruni Aretino, Bartolomeo Fazio, Lorenzo Valla, and Antonio Beccadelli il Panormita , who all spent some time at the Neapolitan court. Thus, although Spaniards resident in southern Italy did not seem to absorb innovations any more quickly than those who remained at home, and even in some cases did so more slowly, the Neapolitan court was able to act as a bridge between Italian humanism and the intellectual life of Catalonia.
In considering this influence, one difficulty confronts us at the outset: the term 'humanist' has often been loosely applied to any Spanish writer of the late Middle Ages who shows an interest in works of classical antiquity or of the Italian humanists. If this criterion is accepted, it is hard to find a literate Spaniard of the fifteenth century who is not a humanist, whereupon the term ceases to be useful; and a healthy tendency of recent criticism has been a more rigorous investigation of an author's right to this description.
Two essential features would seem to be concern with the values of classical antiquity, and an interest in classical manuscripts because of their literary and philological importance, not merely because they could be an ornamental part of a collection.
If these conditions are met it seems safe to call a writer a humanist without worrying unduly about the language in which he expresses himself. It is, of course, true that both of them, and especially Canals, were still strongly affected by medieval habits of thought, but this was no hindrance to a taste for Petrarch.
Die Rache der Königin
In Metge c. This work has been regarded as marking the beginnings of Catalan humanism, but although that is probably an exaggeration, it is certainly the first translation of a Petrarchan work anywhere in the Peninsula. It is particularly noteworthy in coming only fifteen years after Petrarch first translated Boccaccio's story into Latin, and Metge's work acquired such prestige that when the Decameron was translated into Catalan in it was his version of the story that was used.
Borrowings from the beginning of the Secretum have been established, 15 and Petrarch is also specifically referred to in the Apologia :. Petrarca en los Remeis de cascuna fortuna e en altres llocs. Petrarchan influence is quite unmistakable in Lo Somni : a number of sources have been identified, including Cicero's Somnium Scipionis , Boccaccio's De Claris Mulieribus and Corbaccio , and, at least at the beginning of the work, the Secretum.
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There is also a reference to the translation of Griseldis , making great and probably justified claims for the story's popularity:. Further, it has been suggested 17 that the praise of famous women in Lo Somni iv derives from De Rebus familiaribus , xxi. It seems probable that Metge did in fact draw on this letter, though it cannot be the sole source of his exempla , and the previously accepted sources Boccaccio's De Claris Mulieribus and Valerius Maximus's Factorum Dictorumque Memorabilium also have to be taken into account.
Metge was thus able to draw on a number of Petrarch's works, translating one, borrowing substantially from at least one other, and referring to the content not merely to the titles of a further two. A contemporary of Metge, Antoni Canals d. Canals sometimes paraphrases and occasionally inserts fragments from other authors, but his translation is almost always accurate, and its stylistic excellence is generally recognized. In the prologue he draws on Valerius Maximus and St. Augustine as well as Petrarch, and in the epilogue, on Latin historians. It may be true that Livy played an important part in directing Canals to the subject, but only a very small part of the work draws on him, and its Petrarchan origin is indisputable.
Metge and Canals are the most distinguished Catalan Petrarchists, but they are not the only ones. There is always a danger of reading a knowledge of Petrarch into an author who never intended to claim it, and it is a danger to which Farinelli and, to a lesser extent, Nicolau y d'Olwer succumb.
Yet even when such doubtful cases have been discounted, there remain a number of unmistakable references to Petrarch. Carles, Prince of Viana d. Part of his library came into the possession of Dom Pedro, Constable of Portugal. Francesch Petrarcha, companyon plasent en les prosperitats e sol reffugi en les adversitats, conaguil, no por que vist lo hagues yames, mes per les pacions que renoave recitant la peleya de amor y de Laura de que era informat per lo primer triumphi del cinch seus excellents. It is clear from this passage that he was acquainted with the reputation of De Remediis , though he may never have read it, but that his main concern was with the Trionfi , on which he partly modelled himself.
Alegre thus provides no evidence of the influence of the Latin works, but valuable evidence of their diffusion, since the idea of remedies against good and bad fortune was closely linked in his mind with the name of Petrarch.
In addition to the Prince of Viana's manuscripts we have records of Petrarchan works being copied, bought, and owned. A Majorcan, Miquel Abeyar, owned the Secretum 26 -one more indication of the spread of Petrarchan influence to all parts of the Kingdom. Between and a copy of De Remediis entered the capitular library at Vich. The most imposing collection of manuscripts, however, was that assembled in the library of the Aragonese kings at Naples.
Fernando, Duque de Calabria. A further process of dispersal and loss has gone on during the intervening period: even in the nineteenth century, when some of D. Fernando's books, preserved for nearly years in the Valencian monastery of S. Miguel de los Reyes, were transferred to Valencia University, others were sold, and no record kept of the buyer or even the price, because they were only hand-written, and in a foreign language anyway. Miguel, has disappeared. Mention has been made of the letter to Acciaiuoli. This was anonymously translated into Catalan in the fifteenth century as Letra de reyals custums.
As the only copy known of this work is a private commonplace book, which also contains a number of miscellaneous jottings, it may be that the owner of the book, one Bernat de Billoch, was himself the translator, but we do not in any case know whether the Flors had any influence on Catalan literature.